of the discord is within the camp of the majority party, the All Progressives Congress, which should ordinarily be savouring the advantage of grabbing majority control of the National Assembly from the former ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party. But that is not the case.
There are cracks in the walls of the majority party, where the head and another vital part of the body work at cross purposes: the Speaker of the House, Mr. Yakubu Dogara, and the Majority Leader, Mr. Femi Gbajabiamila – both of the APC – do not agree with each other.
The immediate cause of the rift is the appointment of the chairmen of 96 standing committees of the House and their deputies by the Speaker on October 22. Besides, the remote dimension to the ‘cat and mouse’ relationship between the two politicians is traceable to the June 9 election of the speaker of the House, which produced Dogara.
The circumstances surrounding the speaker’s emergence have long passed the message that the 8th Assembly will, at best, experience peace of the graveyard and not a lasting one. It is beginning to happen and observers are worrying that this may be the pattern till the expiration of the four-year tenure in 2019.
The standing orders of the House empower the speaker to constitute a Selection Committee; the committee has the responsibility of composing the membership of the standing committees of the legislature. In deciding who becomes chairman or deputy chairman, the rules require Dogara to do so in “consultation” with principal officers (one of whom is Gbajabiamila). Yet, the same rules rest the ultimate power to appoint the chairmen and their deputies solely in the hands of the speaker.
In the current drama playing out at the House, the speaker and other principal officers versus Gbajabiamila are embroiled in a blame game over how the committee heads emerged. While Gbajabiamila insists he was never consulted before the committee heads were picked, the speaker and eight other principal officers are united in their position that the House Leader was consulted. Not only was he consulted, they claim that Gbajabiamila attended all the meetings preceding the announcement of the names of the chairmen on October 22.
This throws up the vexed issue on the manner in which the committees were shared – almost equally between the APC and the PDP.
This was expected by some observers who looked at the high-wired politicking that preceded the election of House leadership on June 9. The observers have said it didn’t come as a surprise that the two power blocs, which contested the speakership – 8th Assembly Consolidation Group (Dogara’s) and the APC Loyalists Group (Gbajabiamila’s) – were reflected in the manner the committees were shared by the speaker.
The distribution also seemed to have reflected the zonal and state voting pattern for Dogara, as against the expectation that he would simply give the majority of committees to the APC, his party.
On the chessboard of the game of politics, survival and self-defence are said to be the first consideration of a politician, particularly an occupant of a plum seat like the number four position in the country.
It was this that insiders said fuelled the speaker’s decision, in terms of the number of committees, that he almost place the APC and the PDP on the same pedestal, by giving the former 48 committees and the latter 45.
Dogara owes his emergence as speaker largely to the votes of the about 140 PDP members of the House, who teamed up with some APC lawmakers to beat the ruling party’s preferred candidate, Gbajabiamila, by just eight votes on June 9.
Although the APC controls the majority with about 213 members, it couldn’t make Gbajabiamila the speaker because some members of his party opted to team up with the opposition PDP and smaller parties like the Labour Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Accord Party and the All Progressives Grand Alliance to produce Dogara.
It is evident that Dogara didn’t lose sight of this ‘sacrifice,’ as he ensured that his supporters did not only get most of the committees but also picked prime committees, better known as ‘juicy’ committees in the parlance of the House.
Even among the APC members who got very important committees, analysts note that the speaker took care to ensure that the committees did not stray into the ‘wrong’ hands.
For example, some of the APC members referred to as ‘rebels’ for their roles in daring to back Dogara against the preferred Gbajabiamila, will be happy with the speaker for returning their favour.
One of them is Mr. Abdulmumin Jibrin, a lawmaker from Kano State, who got the chairmanship of the Committee on Appropriations. Jibrin, it will be recalled, was a vocal aspirant for the speakership, who later withdrew from the race to become the spokesperson for Dogara’s Consolidation Group.
Babangida Ibrahim, a member from President Muhammadu Buhari’s Katsina State, was the only APC legislator out of about 11 from that state who stuck out his neck for Dogara. Ibrahim was rewarded with the chairmanship of the Committee on Finance.
Another ‘rebel’, Mr. Zakari Mohammed, is the Chairman of the Committee on Basic Education and Services. He is from Kwara State.
His allies in the PDP took the two petroleum committees. Mr. Akinlaja Joseph-Irnola from Ondo State (PDP) heads the Committee on Petroleum Resources (Downstream), while Mr. Victor Nwokolo from Delta State (PDP), is the Chairman, Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream).
The PDP’s Mr. Tobi Okechukwu from Enugu State heads the Committee on Works, while another PDP member from Bayelsa State, Mr. Agbedi Frederick, is the Chairman, Committee on Gas Resources.
The Committee on Powers is chaired by PDP’s Daniel Effiong from Cross River State; same goes for committees on public accounts, science and technology, ports/harbours/waterways -all safely in the hands of the PDP.
The PDP also heads the Committee on Army, Mr. Rima Shawulu (Taraba State); Committee on Air Force, Mr. Sampson Okwu (Benue State); and Committee on Aviation, Mrs. Nkiruka Onyejeocha (Abia State). However, the Committee on Defence went to a member of the APC from Borno State, Mr. Murktar Aliyu.
The majority party’s Mr. James Faleke from Lagos State, heads the Committee on Customs and Excise, while Mr. Abdussamad Dasuki from Sokoto State, chairs the Committee on Navy. Another APC member from Kaduna State, Mr. Hassan Shekarau, heads the Committee on Pensions.
Other key committees headed by the APC are electoral matters, telecommunications, housing, health care services, interior, water resources, tertiary education services, land transport, police affairs, population, privatisation and commercialisation, house services, steel and agricultural production services.
Yet, the PDP got the committees on foreign affairs, NDDC, Niger Delta, banking/currency, drugs/narcotics, health institutions, labour/employment/productivity and local content, among others.
When viewed from the angle of zonal and state distribution, the Speaker, again, appears to have skilfully assigned more committees to the geopolitical zones that supported him most, particularly the South-East and the South-South zones.
Except for the North-West, which got committees close in number to the numerical strength of its members on the floor, other zones and states seemed to have been given committees in consideration of their support for the Speaker.
The zone has a total of 92 legislators, comprising 87 APC and five PDP. The speaker allotted 18 committee seats (the highest) to the zone and 29 deputies. But, the South-West, with the second highest bloc of 71 legislators, made up of 48 APC, 21 PDP, one Accord and one Labour Party, came fifth in the committee distribution chart. The zone got 13 committee chairmen and 13 deputies.
The South-West is trailing behind the South-South in the number four position with 14 committee chairmen and 18 deputies. Seen as one of Dogara’s strongest zones, it has 55 members, 51 of whom are PDP lawmakers. APC has four in the zone.
In the third position is the North-Central, another pro-Dogara zone, which was allotted 15 committee chairmen and 13 deputies. The zone has a total of 51 members, comprising 33 APC and 18 PDP lawmakers.
In the Number Two position on the committee distribution chart is the South-East, which got 16 committee chairmen and 10 deputies. Its numerical strength on the floor is 43. This is made up of 38 PDP, 3 APGA and 2 APC. This is arguably one of Dogara’s strongest support bases.
However, Dogara’s North-East zone got the least number of committees, an area where political differences denied the Speaker bloc votes during the speakership election. Yet, his allies in the zone picked the chairmanship slots. The zone was allotted eight committee chairmen and eight deputies. There are 48 lawmakers from the zone, comprising 39 APC, seven PDP and one SDP.
Observers of the development hold the view that, in the tight position Dogara has found himself, he has few choices other than to consolidate his seat. According to them, the point that one doesn’t empower one’s ‘enemy’ had been taken.
Analysts reason that if Dogara’s party, the APC, or certain zones did not want him to be the speaker ab initio, it will be politically suicidal to take the gamble of denying those who risked all for him the chairmanship positions.
Keen followers of the events heralding the announcement of the committees insist it was a wise decision for Dogara to “carefully balance” the strength of the APC and the PDP to safeguard his seat.
In a House of 360 legislators, 192 committee chairmen and deputies are presumed to be automatic loyalists of the speaker in the event of any rumbling in the House (as it is the case presently). The remaining 167 (excluding the Speaker) are far apart from the mandatory two-thirds (240 members) required to commence impeachment proceedings against the Speaker.
“It all boils down to the seat. Secure it first and other considerations will be secondary. It is a bold decision that clearly, has left the APC and Gbajabiamila bearing the brunt,” an insider said.
Besides, insiders say Dogara doesn’t need soothsayers to remind him that he should always watch his back with Gbajabiamila on the leadership train, thus the need to cut him and his loyalists to size.
Gbajabiamila had had his eyes fixed on the speakership seat but while Dogara kept his ambition under wraps, only for the latter to secure a (in Dogara’s word) “miracle” victory over the party’s candidate. Even when the APC later decided that Gbajabiamila should become the House Leader, it took weeks of scheming, culminating in a fracas on the floor of the House before Dogara “grudgingly” yielded.
With Gbajabiamila finally accepted as leader, analysts say it was never a rosy affair between him and Dogara before the committees were named on October 22.
In an October 20 letter, which Gbajabiamila wrote Dogara, he complained that he was being sidelined in the running of the House and discussions over the appointment of committees. The letter was copied the National Chairman of the APC, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun.
The Speaker replied the letter the next day, inviting Gbajabiamila to a meeting of principal officers slated for October 22, same day the committees were announced.
Words came from Gbajabiamila’s camp that though he participated in the early-hours meeting, the meeting was designed to give a backing to a list already prepared by Dogara and to make it seem like all principal officers were consulted before the committees were named.
The cold war arising from the appointment of the committees snowballed into Gbajabiamila and some of his loyalists boycotting the inauguration of the committees last Monday.
Without doubts, there is anger in the camp of the APC, far from being resolved. To demonstrate their grievances, two APC lawmakers officially resigned their committee chairmanship three weeks ago. One was a former Deputy Minority Whip, Mr. Garba Dhatti-Muhammad, who resigned as the Chairman, Committee on Solid Minerals Development. His official reason was that Dogara did not “consult” him before appointing him as a chairman.
Another member, Mr. Sunday Adepoju, rejected an offer to serve as the Deputy Chairman, Committee on Special Duties. Adepoju had claimed that he resigned because the APC was not fairly treated.
The speaker simply replaced the two officials with other lawmakers and went ahead to inaugurate the committees on Monday.
Presently, there are speculations that four more APC chairmen might resign their appointments but they have not been proven, as there are no letters to that effect.
A PDP member, Mr. Hassan Saleh, had also said he did not want to be a deputy committee chairman.
Attempts by the APC’s leadership to resolve the matter have also failed to alter the composition of the committees.
Just last Tuesday, a fresh move to remove Gbajabiamila as the House Leader on account of his insistence that the committees should be reversed almost led to another round of fighting in the House.
Majority members of the House appears to have taken a stance that there is no going back on the issue of committees, a message some lawmakers said was for Gbajabiamila and his co-travellers to either fall in line or face punitive measures, including suspension for upwards of six months from the service of the House.
According to some analysts, all that is required is a vote (simple majority) of the APC caucus to remove the majority leader and replace him with a new leader.
With Dogara consolidating his hold on the House, having empowered his allies across party lines with viable committee positions, the desire to move against Gbajabiamila will continue to be an attractive option.
Again, the House, perhaps in preparation for the current drama, reviewed its rules, prescribing tougher penalties for disorderly conduct in the chambers. It indicates that a member who allows his quest to get Gbajabiamila’s wish or that of the party through by attempting to disrupt proceedings risks heavier punishment.
For instance, the common practice of rushing to snatch or break the mace at the slightest provocation has been outlawed by the new rules, a move designed to contain possible troublemakers.
In the new rules introduced into the Standing Orders of the House, mace-snatching will now earn the offender a minimum of six months’ suspension. The Speaker is empowered to extend the suspension beyond six months as it may please him.
Specifically, Order X (71) now has sub-rules 13-15, outlawing mace-snatching.
The provisions read, “The mace is the sacred authority of the House and only authorised staff of the Sergeant-at-Arms may approach, handle or remove it in the ordinary course of their official duties.
“No member of the House or his agent may approach, handle or remove the mace under any circumstances.
“Any member who approaches or handles the mace with whatever intent, including to remove or who removes the mace shall be liable to suspension from the service of the House for a period not less than six months or such longer period as the Speaker or Chairman may consider expedient having regard to the particular circumstances.”
Deputy Chairman, House Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Mr. Jonathan Gaza, gives the stance of the House thus: “There is nothing left on the issue of committees because we have gone past that stage. The committees have been inaugurated and they have started working. What else is left?
“Yesterday (Tuesday last week), the leadership of the House met and they resolved that they would work for the progress of the country. All the leaders attended the meeting. We cannot be talking of changing anything after the committees have been inaugurated.”
Speaking to SUNDAY PUNCH, one of Gbajabiamila’s allies said, “We are in the era of winner takes all politics in the House. Winner takes all doesn’t work in our environment of politics. We will see how far they can go without amicably resolving this issue of imbalance in committee distribution.”
The Chief Whip of the House, Mr. Alhassan Ado-Doguwa, believes there is inherent misunderstanding within the APC caucus, which must be resolved quickly so that legislative business can go on unhindered. He holds the view that all sides must agree to work with the speaker instead of the present cat and mouse approach.
Ado-Doguwa also dispelled the rumours of a plan to sack Gbajabiamila as the House Leader.
He said, “We have been meeting as the APC family. We are saying enough of the misunderstanding within the APC. It is enough! We have to organise ourselves and work with the speaker and move ahead. The speculation that some people want to remove Gbajabiamila is unfounded.”
But, a member of the House from Katsina State, Mr. Ahmed Baba-Kaita, insists that reversing the sharing formula for the committees in favour of the APC is the solution. He also claims there is a real plot to remove Gbajabiamila.
He said, “The party gave a clear-cut instruction to Dogara on Monday (last week) to come and look into the matter. He promised to get back to the party, he hasn’t done so. Now, we hear there is a plan to remove the House leader. That will not work because they know that we (Gbajabiamila’s backers) have the majority. His removal is not the solution.
“We will continue to resist them because this is an APC government and we won’t allow a situation whereby the PDP is made to control us.”
Another lawmaker, Mr. Garba Dhatti-Muhammad, is of the opinion that it is inappropriate for the PDP to hold key committees like those on petroleum resources, gas and power.
“Where else have you seen this type of arrangement? We are talking about change. How can there be change when the committees that should drive the agenda of the government are in the hands of the opposition? Let us see how far they can go,” he said.
Source: PUNCH
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